Determinantes de la fecundidad
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Examinando Determinantes de la fecundidad por Materia "ANTICONCEPTIVOS"
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Ítem Contraceptive use and fertility in Costa Rica, 1986(International Family Planning Perspectives, Vol. 14, No. 3, (September 1988), 1988) Oberle, Mark W.; Sosa Jara, Doris; Madrigal Pana, Johnny; Becker, Stan; Rosero Bixby, LuisContraceptive prevalence in Costa Rica is higher than almost anywhere else in Latin America, with 70 percent of currently married women using a contraceptive method. Differentials in contraceptive use by educational level and between urban and rural areas are actually quite small compared with those in other Latin American countries. While levels of contraceptive use among married women 20-44 years of age remained relatively stable between 1976 and 1986, total fertility rates increased slightly over that period, perhaps because of changing fertility intentions or changing patterns of contraceptive use. For example, Costa Rican women have increased their reliance on barrier methods and decreased use of the pill. The majority of women who were not practicing contraception were either pregnant or breastfeeding an infant; only about one in five nonusers could be considered candidates for contraceptive use. One-fifth of all 15-19-year-old women and two-fifths of all 20-24-year-olds had had premarital intercourse. Most young adults who had had premarital intercourse did not practice contraception at first intercourse.Ítem Interaction, Diffusion, and Fertility Transition in Costa Rica: Quantitative and Qualitative Evidence(Dynamics of Values in Fertility Change. Oxford University Press, 1999) Rosero Bixby, LuisThis chapter examines the role played by diffusion through social interaction in the Costa Rican fertility transition. The literature about the causes of fertility transition has traditionally focused on the socio-economic and cultural determinants of the motivation for having large or small families. To a somewhat lesser degree, it has also considered supply factors limiting or facilitating access to contraception, that is, the role of family planning programmes. The concern here is with the third type of causal agent of fertility transition, that is, the autonomous spread, or contagiousness, of fertility control. If Costa Rican data support the proposition that social contagion processes shaped fertility decline, then an empirical foundation exists for Simmons's claim that 'programmes may generate their own demand through diffusion from early users to others'.